Virginia Secession Convention of 1861

John Janney
1861 Richmond Presiding officer

The Virginia Secession Convention of 1861, was called in Richmond to determine secession from the United States, go govern the state during a state of emergency, and to write a new Constitution for Virginia that was subsequently voted down in referendum under the Confederate regime.

Background and composition

History of Virginia
Virginia portal

Following Abraham Lincoln's constitutional election reflecting the nation's sectional divide, and before his inauguration, the Deep South states that had cast Electoral College votes for John C. Breckinridge resolved to secede from the United States and form the Confederate States of America. The Virginia Assembly called a special convention for the sole purpose of considering secession from the United States. Virginia was deeply divided, returning a convention of delegates amounting to about one-third for secession and two thirds Unionist. But the Unionists would prove to be divided between those who would be labelled Conditional Unionists who would favor Virginia in the Union only if Lincoln made no move at "coercion", and those who would then be called Unconditional Unionists who would be unwavering in their loyalty to the Constitutional government of the United States.

Meeting and debate

The Convention met from February 3 – December 6, 1861, and elected John Janney its presiding officer. The majority at first voted to remain in the Union, but stayed in session awaiting events. Conditional Unionists objected to Lincoln's call for state quotas to suppress the rebellion, and switched from their earlier Unionist vote to secession on April 17. At the outset of the Convention, the Confederate Congress sent three commissioners to address the convened delegates in the first week of meeting. Fulton Anderson warned that the Republican Party now in control of the United States government intended “the ultimate extinction of slavery and the degradation of the Southern people.” Henry Lewis Benning explained that Georgia had seceded because “a separation from the North was the only thing that could prevent the abolition of her slavery.” The Virginia-born John Smith Preston insisted that when the North voted for Lincoln, it decreed annihilation of white Southerners, who must act in self-defense, and Virginia should lead the Southern host in an independent Confederacy. His speech brought the Convention to a standing ovation, but only a third of the delegates were for immediate secession. The Conditional Unionists awaited some overt action of aggression from Lincoln before deciding to secede.

At first, the speeches were mixed between Secessionists advocating leaving the Union, Conditional Unionists holding onto the patriotism of earlier times, and Unconditional Unionists insisting that secession was bad policy and unlawful. In the second week of the convention debate on February 28, Jeremiah Morton of the Piedmont’s Orange County made an early speech for secession. The Abolitionists fanaticism was "inculcated in the Northern mind and ingrained in the Northern heart, so that you may make any compromise you please, and still, until you can unlearn and unteach the people, we shall find no peace…for thirty years they have been warring upon the fifteen States of the South.” He questioned whether slavery could be safe with Black Republicans taking over all branches of the Federal Government. The Union was already dissolved, and Virginia would surely go with her Southern brethren. If the Confederacy "give us the post of danger, they will also give us the post of honor. They want our statesmen; they want our military; they want the material arm of Virginia to sustain ourselves and them in the great struggles [before us].”[1]

On March 4, Abraham Lincoln’s inauguration day, Jefferson Davis called up 100,000 militia to serve a year and sent besieging troops to surround Fort Sumter in South Carolina and Fort Pickens in Florida. In his inaugural speech, Lincoln supported the Corwin Amendment to constitutionally guarantee slavery in the states. That same day Waitman T. Willey from trans-Alleghany Monongalia County answered Morton with a Unionist speech. He defended Virginia’s institutions from Northern attacks against slavery, but sought to bring Virginia’s “oppressors to acknowledge those errors and to redress her grievances…The remedy proposed by gentlemen on the other side is secession, [But] there is no constitutional right of secession…” He warned that secession would bring about war, taxes and the abolition of slavery in Virginia. As long as Virginia stayed in the Union, the “wandering” states of the Confederacy might return to the Union.[2]

John S. Carlile of transmontane Alleghany County, like Willey an Unconditional Unionist, stressed that western Virginians were committed to slavery as “essential to American liberty.” But he would not run away from devotion to the Union. “This government that we are called upon to destroy has never brought us anything but good. No injury has it ever inflicted on us. No act has every been put upon the statute book of our common country, interfering with the institution of slavery in any shape, manner or form, that was not put there by and with the consent of the slave-holding States of this Union…” If Virginia joined the Confederacy, the North would no longer be bound by the Constitution to stand by slavery and slave-holding states, and it would join with England, France and Spain to extinguish slavery everywhere.[3] The younger grandson to Thomas Jefferson, George Wythe Randolph, now a Richmond lawyer, made a secessionist speech, observing that although the Republicans had captured the United States Government “in strict accordance with Constitutional forms”, it was merely sectional. “The Government, then…is constitutionally revolutionized, and requires a counter-revolution to restore it.” But “Let [Virginia’s industries] go with us into a Southern Confederacy, and receive protection from Northern industry, and they will be what they ought to be—the manufacturers and miners of a great [Southern] nation.” We should go into the Confederacy, “we are told it will bring war. On the contrary it will tend to avert war…Neutrality is impossible and would be dishonorable.”[4]

Over the course of March 21–23, John Brown Baldwin of the Valley’s Augusta County made a Unionist speech, beginning with a defense of “African slavery, as it exists in Virginia, is a right and a good thing…” But he believed that the idea that the election of someone to the Presidency could justify secession “as a direct assault upon the fundamental principles of American liberty”. The three branches of government with their Constitutional checks and balances protect against “encroachment upon the liberties of the minority of the people or upon the rights of the States.” And even with the withdrawal of Southern delegations, the remaining Republican majority passed a Constitutional Amendment for ratification prohibiting the Federal Government to interfere with slavery in the states in any respect. “...the great masses of people, leaving out the politicians and fanatics of both sections, have this day an earnest yearning for each other, and for peace and Union with each other…” Baldwin sought a conference of border states to adopt the Peace Convention recommendations that he believed would cause the Confederate states to separately return to the Union.[5]

John S. Barbour Jr. of the Piedmont’s Culpeper County was the first Unionist to break away into the secessionist camp. While “resolutely protecting slave labor” he was for encouraging manufacturing and commercial interests in Virginia against those of the North. He asked what would do more to promote Virginia’s growth, participation “in a hostile confederacy in which your [legislative] power will be but 11 out of 150 [with he North], or in a friendly confederacy where it will be 21 out of 89 [with the South]?” In the South was a government to join “in full working order, strong, powerful and efficient…” Along with a number of secessionist speakers, Henry A. Wise tried to move the Convention into a “Spontaneous Southern Rights Convention” to immediately install a secessionist government in Virginia, but on April 4, almost two-thirds of the Convention voted against secession, and a three-man delegation was sent to consult with Lincoln who had resolved to protect Federal property in the South.[6]

With the fall of Fort Sumter, Lincoln matched Jefferson Davis's call up of 100,000 men for a year with a call for 75,000 for three months, including 3,500 Virginians to restore Federal property taken in the South by force. Unionists sought delay of any military action on secession that would violate Virginia’s neutrality until the people’s referendum approved of it, as mandated in the Assembly's call to Convention.[7] But the Unionist bloc lost its Conditional Unionist faction with the Lincoln requisition of troops, and the new secessionist majority resolved the Convention into secret session on April 16. Unionists warned that precipitating secession and war would lead to Northern support of abolition and the end of slavery in Virginia.[8] The next day, former Governor Henry Wise announced that he had set the “wheels of revolution” against the U.S. Government in motion with loyal Virginians seizing both the Harper’s Ferry federal armory and the Gosport Navy Yard at Norfolk. The noted duelist who had killed his opponent drew a horse pistol as his speech progressed, producing a resolution to secede 88 for 55 against.[9]

Outcomes

Capitol at Richmond VA, where Secession Convention met

The Virginia Secession Ordinance was to “repeal the ratification of the Constitution of the United States of America, by the State of Virginia.” That Constitution had been “perverted to their injury and oppression…not only to the injury of the people of Virginia, but to the oppression of the Southern slave-holding states.”[10] Two days after the secession resolution and a month before the referendum, the Confederate flag was raised over Virginia’s capitol building, a delegation was sent to vote in the Confederate Congress, state militias were activated and a Confederate army was invited to occupy Richmond. While the ballots from Unionist counties were lost, the total referendum votes counted numbered more than that of the 1860 presidential election by including men voting viva voce aloud in Confederate army camps, approving secession by 128,884 to 32,134.[11] The “War in defense of Virginia” as the ensuing conflict is named by the General Assembly failed, as did secession and the Confederate promise of slavery into the twentieth century.[12]

See also

References

  1. ↑ Freehling 2010, pp. 3–10.
  2. ↑ Freehling 2010, pp. 12–21.
  3. ↑ Freehling 2010, pp. 13–26
  4. ↑ Freehling 2010. pp. 51–61
  5. ↑ Freehling 2010, pp. 75–87
  6. ↑ Heinemann 2008, p. 219
  7. ↑ Freehling 2010, pp. 165–166
  8. ↑ Freehling 2010, pp. 169–176
  9. ↑ Heinemann 2008, p. 219-221
  10. ↑ Wallenstein 2007, p. 190
  11. ↑ Dabney (1971) 1989, p. 294-296
  12. ↑ Heinemann 2008. p. 222-223

Bibliography

External links

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